Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy by Heather Ann Thompson
Thompson, Heather Ann. Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971
and Its Legacy. (Pantheon, 2016)
"Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States.” The 13th amendment’s loophole for those convicted of crimes has become a prevalent issue in the past years. Most prisoners have jobs while incarcerated, but their work either results in little to no pay. On September 9, 2016, over 24,000 inmates across twelve states took a stand and did not show up for work.[32] They demanded fair pay, humane living conditions, and better educational programs. Unfortunately, the largest prison strike in U.S history ended up having little effect on prison reform. The 2016 strike was most certainly not the first act towards creating safer and more fair conditions for inmates, however. In September of 1971, Attica Correctional Facility in New York was home to one of the most powerful prison riots the U.S has witnessed. Heather Ann Thompson’s Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy unveils the horrifying truth about what happened during the five-day-long uprising. Thompson’s book not only informs readers of accurate details that were once twisted by the media but also crafts a well-written argument that the government, no matter what they might say in the moment, is not on the side of any prisoner.
Thompson makes immediately clear her frustration with the lack of public knowledge of Attica’s uprising, saying “the most important details of this story have been deliberately kept from the public” (xiii) Thompson describes the surprising struggle she had with finding full records detailing the uprising as many materials were deemed “off limits” and FBI documents were “nearly unreadable from all the redactions” (xiii). Despite the lack of information from federal archives, Thompson uncovered boxes of letters and bloody clothing belonging to prisoners. Her findings further fueled her determination to tell the whole story of the Attica uprising and frustration towards New York City officials who protected the “politicians and members of law enforcement who caused so much trauma” (xvii).
Thompson begins her story by describing the inhumane conditions Attica prisoners were forced to endure. One inmate told the Hartford Courant that “we work under slave conditions here.”[33] Attica only allowed prisoners to earn a measly 6 cents per day working. But, the shops earned $2 million, meaning there was no reason why inmates were subjected to payments no other citizen would’ve stood for. Upon entering Attica, prisoners were only given a thin coat, two work shirts, three pairs of pants, one pair of shoes, 3 pairs of underwear, 6 pairs of socks, and one comb. (8) In order to obtain other necessities such as toothbrushes, deodorant, shampoo, etc. prisoners had to buy them. But with the inadequate amount of money they were earning, most could not afford any extra supplies. Each month, prisoners were given 1 bar of soap and one roll of toilet paper, being told to “limit themselves to one sheet per day” (8). Attica also did not provide sufficient food so much so that most prisoners went to bed starving. Any chance to receive extra food was taken but was always met with punishment. An inmate, Samuel Melville, wrote to his lawyer that he “had recently finished 14 days in solitary for having taken an extra piece of bread”[34] Additionally, even with two doctors at Attica, most health issues were not properly taken care of. Dr. Williams and Dr. Sternberg’s general response to prisoners’ problems was to give them aspirin.
Thompson also makes it quite clear that the uprising was not the inmates’ first choice for creating change. On June 16, 1971, Attica superintendent Mancusi discovered a letter that included 28 demands for reform. The prisoners called for “changes in the parole system, religious freedom for Muslims, improvements in the working and living conditions, and a change in medical staff and medical policy” (32). At first, the men of Attica were hopeful. But by September, no change was made. Although Commissioner Oswald promised that his staff would “continue to review” (39) the letter sent months ago, his words meant nothing. Attica’s conditions had not and would not improve.
Thompson’s second section begins the telling of the infamous Attica uprising. The riot was, most importantly, unplanned. On September 9, William Ortiz, an inmate who had thrown a soup can at an officer the night before, was released from solitary unbeknownst to any correctional officer. To return Ortiz to keeplock, Lieutenant Curtiss ordered officers to close doors to trap Ortiz and any prisoners with him in A Tunnel. As prisoners in the front of the line realized they were locked in, panic set in. Suddenly, one landed a blow to Curtiss’s left temple and the uprising quickly began. By the afternoon, around 40 COs were taken hostage and one officer by the name of William Quinn was sent to the hospital.
The first day of the rebellion also saw the creation of “fifteen practical proposals” (79) by prisoners that were then given to Commissioner Oswald. The list included but was not limited to: “apply the New York State minimum wage law to all State Institutions”, “Educate all Correctional Officers to the needs of the inmates”, “Give us a healthy diet”, and “Give us a doctor that will examine and treat all inmates that request treatment”. (80) On the uprising’s third day, Oswald had written agreements to almost every demand the prisoners had given him.
The fourth section of Thompson’s book details the terrifying retaking of Attica by the New York State Police. On the fourth day of the uprising, prisoners were aware that state troopers would be commencing an assault on Attica. To delay this, inmates brought the hostages to the catwalk with some carrying knives. Nobody planned on harming the hostages, as they were the only means of negotiation. Unfortunately, this tactic did not work. Helicopters flying over D Yard dropped a “combination of CS and CN gas” that “immediately made people throw up” (178). Armed with 33 rifles and 217 shotguns, the troopers landed on the catwalk and began shooting. Hostages weren’t even safe. Don Noble, a prisoner determined to save both himself and a hostage Mike Smith, pulled himself and Smith to the left. Even with protection, Smith still received four bullets to his abdomen that “exploded upon impact, which sent shrapnel downward to his spine” (181). Officers treated prisoners who were trying to take cover or surrender with “acts of cold-blooded killing” (185). One man, who was trying to find safety in a trench, was instructed by troopers to “climb out of the hole with his hands on his head, which he did” (185). However, even with complying, the prisoner was still shot in the chest because he didn’t keep his hands on his hand. James Lee Asbury said within ten minutes after the assault began “all he could see was blood and water” (187). By the end of the retaking 128 men were shot, and nine hostages and 29 prisoners had been killed.
To make matters worse, completely false narratives to the press were told. Deputy Commissioner Walter Dunbar claimed he personally saw one prisoner grab hostage Mike Smith, castrate him, and “[take] this man’s organs and [stick] them in his mouth in clear view of us all” (195). The New York Times even published that “several of the hostages—prison guards and civilian workers—died when convicts slashed their throats with knives.”[35] As one of the nation’s most highly respected newspapers, it was no surprise that spreading these lies further led the public to turn against the rebelling prisoners. People began referring to them as “murderous convicts” and “desperately sick men” (196). Furthermore, Attica’s physicians abused inmates after the assault. One man begged for medication for his injuries, but was told by Dr. Williams, “I’m never going to give you no medication. I hope you all die.” (211).
After the uprising, several trials also occurred. On April 6, 1975, even with little evidence backing up the verdict, prisoners John Hill and Charles Joe Pernasalice were found guilty of the murder of officer William Quinn. Inmate Jomo Joka Omowale was charged with 34 counts of kidnapping and four counts of coercion and unlawful imprisonment for taking hostages. While on trial, Jomo described his experience during the retaking. Officers shot Jomo six times in the back and neck, forced him to run “through a gauntlet of troopers and COs raining blows down on [him]”, and refused to bring Jomo to a hospital to treat his “gaping wounds and a collapsed lung” (391). By the time Jomo’s trial had ended, something even more telling of the state’s abuse of power was uncovered: the state defense had a whistleblower.
Malcolm Bell worked for Simonetti who was the chief prosecutor for the state. Bell claimed his colleagues had “worked deliberately [...] to prevent the prosecution of the troopers and correction officers who had committed crimes at Attica.” (397) Bell even had evidence of photo fabrication. In a close examination of the death of prisoner James Robinson, Bell found one photo of Robinson lying on the ground where he was killed with no weapon in sight. However, Bell then discovered another picture taken of Robinson with a curved sword beside him. (406) Clearly, a trooper had placed the weapon near Robinson to justify the murder. Additionally, an investigation was conducted on the shooting of prisoner Kenny Malloy. The report concluded that a trooper named Aldo Barbolini. But Malloy never received justice. Barbolini resigned on September 17, 1971, because his superiors had told him “that if he resigned he would not be prosecuted” (428).
Thompson’s epilogue highlights the fact that even after an uprising that should have been a wake-up call for New York, conditions at Attica only worsened. Three decades after the rebellion, Attica’s population had more than doubled, even though the prison was already overcrowded in 1971. (565) In 2001, the Correctional Association of New York wrote “Attica inmates had the highest ratings of all CA-visited prisons for frequency of physical assaults, verbal harassment, [and] threats and intimidation” (567). Thompson concludes with multiple examples of prison strikes across the country after Attica. She writes that the legacy of Attica “shows the nation that even the most marginalized citizens will never stop fighting to be treated as human beings.” (571)
Some may say the downfall of Thompson’s book is density; that is too long and hard to follow. But the long length of the book is just what Thompson’s narrative needed. It informs readers of every single detail of the lead-up to the uprising, the uprising itself, and the aftermath. Attica’s story is something that has never been told before. Thus, every detail is crucial and must be included. Thompson’s argument also gains its most power from the inclusion of photographs. While describing the horrifying graphics of the New York State Police retaking of Attica, Thompson incorporates photos, such as “casualties on the catwalk” (187) which shows three dead inmates with blood spatters surrounding them while officers encircle the corpses. It’s a horrific scene and one that no reader will forget. The use of just this one photo reminds readers of the gruesome events that the state was solely responsible for.
A review of Blood In The Water by historian Robert T. Chase applauds Thompson for her “gripping narrative”[36] — something that nobody who has read the book can disagree with. Chase also commends Thompson for “[allowing] readers to feel as if they too have just discovered the uncomfortable truth of state atrocity”[37] all while describing a narrative with such violence that can be hard to comprehend.
What all readers can take away from Thompson’s writing is that people, no matter who they are or what they’ve done, deserve the same rights as anyone else. Allowing prisoners’ voices to be heard is the first step in the right direction, and reading Thompson’s work does just that.
Bibliography
By FRED FERRETTISpecial to The New York Times. "LIKE A WAR ZONE': AIR AND GROUND ATTACK FOLLOWS REFUSAL OF CONVICTS TO YIELD 9 HOSTAGES AND 28 PRISONERS DIE AS 1,000 STORM ATTICA." New York Times (1923-), Sep 14, 1971. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/like-war-zone/docview/119236294/se-2?accountid=10341.
"Demands Increased by Rioting Convicts." 1971.The Hartford Courant (1923-), Sep
11, 1. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/
demands-increased-rioting-convicts/docview/550925920/se-2?accountid=10341.
ROBERT E. TOMASSON. "Melville, Attica Radical, Dead; Recently Wrote of Jail Terror." New York Times (1923-), Sep 15, 1971. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/melville-attica-radical-dead-recently-wrote-jail/docview/119114955/se-2?accountid=10341.
Robert T. Chase. Review of History as Witness: Writing Atrocity, Rethinking Rebellion, and Documenting State Violence, by Heather Ann Thompson. Journal of Civil and Human Rights 3, no. 1 (2017): 87–94. https://doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.3.1.0087.
Schwartzapfel, Beth. "A Primer on the Nationwide Prisoners' Strike." The Marshall Project. Last modified September 27, 2016. https://www.themarshallproject.org/2016/09/27/a-primer-on-the-nationwide-prisoners-strike.
Thompson, Heather Ann. Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy. N.p.: Pantheon, 2016.